top of page

Conflict, Crime & Political Economy

Working Papers:

Neighborhoods are strong determinants of both economic opportunity and criminal activity. Does improving connectedness between segregated and unequal parts of a city predominantly import opportunity or export crime. We use a spatial general equilibrium framework to model individual decisions of where to work and whether to engage in criminal activity, with spillovers across the criminal and legitimate sectors. We match at the individual level various sources of administrative records from Medellin, Colombia, to construct a novel, granular dataset recording the origin and destination of both workers and criminals. We leverage the rollout of a cable car system to identify key parameters of the model, informing how changes in transportation costs causally affect the location and sector choices of workers and criminals. Our counterfactual exercises indicate that, when improving the connectedness of almost any neighborhood, overall criminal activity in the city is reduced, and total welfare is improved

Shared Identity and Entrepreneurship (with Manaswini Bhalla, Ishani Chatterjee and Manisha Goel)

We show that shared identity with elected leaders helps entrepreneurs form new and productive businesses. Following close Indian elections during 2006 −16, local firm entry by entrepreneurs belonging to the same cultural groups as winning candidates increases. Despite benefitting from preferential behavior, and in contrast to earlier work, such politically connected entrants are more productive than incumbent in-group firms. Simultaneously, business formation by out-group entrepreneurs does not decline. The high TFP of in-group entrants suggests barriers that previously precluded the entry of potentially high-performing firms. Administrative entry costs seem to be a key barrier that in-group politicians help ease.

Hometown Conflict and Refugees' Integration Efforts (with Cevat Giray Aksoy, Victoria Marino and Semih Tumen)

How does violence in origin areas affect the educational outcomes of refugees in their destinations? Using administrative panel data, we find that heightened violence in the hometowns of Syrian students leads to improvements in their school outcomes in Turkiye. Turkish language and Math scores of refugee students improve, with larger impacts on Turkish scores. There is no impact on naturalized Syrian students. We observe positive spillovers on Turkish students. These findings suggest ongoing violence in refugee-origin areas reduces the prospect of returning home, and induces students to better integrate into host countries by investing in education.

Journal Publications:

Political Accountability for Populist Policies: Lessons from India's Demonetization (with Priya Mukherjee). Journal of Public Economics, Vol 219, March 2023, 104819

We know little about the electoral effects of policies with broad appeal that are implemented by popular leaders, but which have adverse economics effects. We analyze voter behavior following one such policy implemented in the world’s largest democracy — India’s 2016 ‘Demonetization,’ which unexpectedly made 86% of the currency-in-circulation redundant overnight, and led to severe cash shortages and economic hardship in subsequent months. Yet, the policy appealed to a majority of voters, and was framed as one that would combat corruption. We leverage a discontinuity in the number of bank branches arising from a nationwide, district-level bank expansion policy. Using the fact that districts with fewer banks had greater cash shortages, we identify the impacts of demonetization’s economic severity at the bank-expansion cutoff. Regression discontinuity estimates show that following demonetization, voters in places with more severe demonetization had less favorable views of the policy. Using a difference-in discontinuity design, we find that the ruling party performed relatively worse in regions with more severe demonetization, receiving a 4.7 percentage point lower fraction of votes, and were relatively less likely to win seats in state legislatures. Areas that were historically strongly aligned with the ruling party were nearly unresponsive in voting behavior, despite having a less favorable view of the policy itself.

Canonical models of entry into crime emphasize occupational sorting on economic incentives. We attempt to isolate the occupation-choice dimension of criminal participation responses to disincentives for formal employment. We link administrative socioeconomic microdata with the universe of arrests in Medell´ın over a decade, and exploit exogenous variation in formal-sector employment around a socioeconomic-score cutoff, below which individuals receive benefits if not formally employed. We model the various mechanisms by which the policy variation we study could affect both idiosyncratic and occupational criminality. Regression discontinuity estimates confirm this policy unintentionally reduced formal-sector employment and generated a corresponding increase in arrests associated with criminal enterprise activity. Consistent with an occupational choice interpretation as modeled, we find no effects on crimes unlikely to be associated with organized entities, such as crimes of impulse or opportunity. Effects on arrests are strongest in neighborhoods with more opportunities to join criminal enterprises.

Job Loss, Credit and Crime in Colombia(with Carlos Medina, Anant Nyshadham, Christian Posso and Jorge Tamayo) American Economic Review: Insights vol 3(1), p 97-114, March 2021

We investigate the effects of job displacement, as a result of mass-layoffs, on criminal arrests using a novel matched employer-employee-crime dataset from Medellín, Colombia. Job displacement leads to immediate and persistent earnings losses, and higher probability of arrest for both the displaced worker and family members. Effects are pronounced for young men for whom opportunities in criminal enterprises are prevalent. Leveraging a banking policy-reform, we find that greater access to credit attenuates the criminal response to job loss. Additional results on heterogeneity and types of crime are also consistent with economic incentives contributing to criminal participation decisions.

Resources, Conflict and Economic Development in Africa(with Ach Adhvaryu, James Fenske and Anant Nyshadham) Journal of Development Economics, vol 149, March 2021, 102598

Evidence suggests that natural resources have driven conflict and underdevelopment in modern Africa. We show that this relationship exists primarily when neighboring regions are resourcerich. When neighbors are resource-poor, own resources instead drive economic growth. To motivate the empirical study of this set of facts, we present a simple model of parties engaged in potential conflict over resources, revealing that economic prosperity is a function of equilibrium conflict prevalence, determined not just by a region’s own resources but also by the resources of its neighbors. Structural estimates confirm the model’s predictions, and reveal that conflict equilibria are more prevalent where institutional quality is worse.

Guns and Butter? Fighting Violence with the Promise of Development(with Laura Zimmermann)
Journal of Development Economics, vol 124, January 2017, p 120-141

There is growing awareness that development-oriented government policies may be an important counterinsurgency strategy, but existing papers are usually unable to disentangle various mechanisms. Using a regression-discontinuity design, we analyze the impact of one of the world's largest anti-poverty programs, India's NREGS, on the intensity of Maoist conflict. We find short-run increases of insurgency-related violence, police-initiated attacks, and insurgent attacks on civilians. We discuss how these results relate to established theories in the literature. One mechanism consistent with the empirical patterns is that NREGS induces civilians to share more information with the state, improving police effectiveness.

Book Chapters and Other Publications:

Fighting Maoist violence with promises: Evidence from India’s Employment Guarantee Scheme(with Laura Zimmerman - The Economics of Peace and Security Journal, vol 9, no. 1, 2014)

The Indian state faces a substantial internal security threat in the form of a Maoist insurgency, but decades of relying predominantly on military strength have not been a successful strategy for resolving the conflict. Recently, there has been a growing interest in whether anti-poverty programs can increase the effectiveness of the government forces by improving the relationship between citizens and the state and making civilians more willing to share information on insurgents. A prime candidate for such a program is the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS), the world’s largest public-works program. We find that the introduction of NREGS leads to an increase in violence in the short run that is driven by police-initiated attacks, and an increase in the number of captured Maoists. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that civilians assist the police because of NREGS, and suggest that the role of civilians in internal conflicts should not be ignored.

bottom of page